MS Voter Registration Deadline. Oct 4, 30 days before Nov 3, 2020.
- Stage 1 -- Excuse required to vote by mail
No online registration available
• Mississippi: Republicans have passed bills in the state Senate and in a state House committee that would purge voters from the registration rolls if they don't vote in four consecutive years or respond to a single notice form. The bills (found here and here) would result in infrequent voters who still remain eligible to vote being removed from the rolls simply for exercising their right not to vote, or if they mistook the mailer for junk mail and failed to respond.
Mike Espy lost
• Mississippi: Voting rights advocates who had sued Mississippi officials in federal court over expanding voting access have reached a settlement that will allow curbside voting for those with COVID symptoms and give absentee voters whose ballots are rejected the chance to fix any problems. The agreement leaves in place the state's requirement that voters who request an absentee ballot present an excuse in order to do so. Mississippi is one of just five states with such a requirement still in place this year and the only one that also lacks any form of in-person early voting.
• Mississippi: The conservative-heavy Mississippi Supreme Court has ruled that those at higher risk of contracting COVID-19 may not request absentee ballots. Separately, leaders in the state's Republican-run legislature say they will not take action to permit no-excuse absentee voting. Mississippi is one of just five states where voters need to present an excuse to request an absentee ballot for the November general election, and all five states exempt elderly voters from the requirement, a demographic that typically leans GOP.
• Mississippi: A state lower court has partially decided in favor of the ACLU-backed plaintiffs by ruling that voters with pre-existing conditions that make them especially vulnerable to COVID-19 may vote by mail. Mississippi requires an excuse except for voters aged 65 and up, and the plaintiffs did not indicate yet what their next move would be to try to expand the scope of the ruling. Meanwhile, a federal lawsuit filed late last month over the excuse requirement and other restrictions remains pending before a lower court.
• Mississippi: Voting rights advocates, including the NAACP, have filed a federal lawsuit asking that Mississippi officials allow all voters to request absentee ballots without presenting an excuse. The plaintiffs also want the state's requirement that absentee voters have their ballots notarized to be waived, and they further ask that voters be given the chance to correct any problems that would otherwise lead to their ballots getting disqualified. A similar suit backed by the ACLU is pending in state court.
• Mississippi: Several Mississippi voters, with the backing of the ACLU, have filed a lawsuit in state court seeking to have the state's excuse requirement to request an absentee ballot waived for the November general election. Mississippi is one of just eight states that is not planning to allow excuse-free absentee voting this fall.
Mississippi: This fall, Mississippi voters will have their chance to repeal a provision of the state's Jim Crow-era constitution that deliberately penalizes Black voters and the Democrats they support in elections for statewide office. However, the proposed change could end up replacing one major hurdle for Democratic candidates with another.
Last week, Republican Gov. Tate Reeves signed a bill placing a constitutional amendment on the November ballot that would change the way the state conducts elections by eliminating Mississippi's version of the Electoral College, a key feature of the state's 1890 constitution that proponents openly announced was enacted "to secure to the State of Mississippi 'white supremacy.'"
The provision in question requires candidates for statewide offices such as governor or attorney general to win not only a majority of the vote but also a majority of the state House's 122 districts. If no candidate surpasses both thresholds, the members of the House choose the winner, and there's nothing to stop them from picking the person who lost the popular vote.
After Republicans took control of the legislature in 2011, they redrew their own districts to guarantee they'd never lose their grip on power. They did so by making sure a majority of districts would be heavily white and, therefore, heavily Republican. As a result, they not only gerrymandered the state House, they gerrymandered every statewide election, too. The effect was so pronounced that in last year's race for governor, which Democrat Jim Hood lost by 52-47, Hood would likely have had to win by 15 points just to have a shot at carrying 62 House districts.
This proposed amendment would no longer require candidates for statewide office to carry a majority of the state House districts, but it would mandate a separate general election runoff if no candidate earned a majority of the vote. Georgia has had a similar runoff law on the books for years, and those runoffs have consistently seen turnout plummet and hurt Democratic candidates. If Mississippi Republicans wanted to ensure candidates are elected with majority support, they could instead replace the current system with instant-runoff voting or another preferential voting system that would eliminate the need for a separate runoff election.
Even if this amendment fails to pass, it may not be the last word. Last year, a group of Black voters challenged this mini-Electoral College in federal court on the grounds that it violated the Constitution's guarantee of one person, one vote. While the judge who heard the case agreed, he put the suit on hold to give lawmakers time to correct the problem themselves. If they fail to, the judge said, he'd allow litigants to once more pursue their claims.
• Mississippi: Last month, Republican Tate Reeves defeated Democrat Jim Hood by a modest 52-47 margin to become the next governor of Mississippi, but thanks to a unique relic of Jim Crow that’s still very much alive today, Reeves could have lost the popular vote by double digits yet still won the election.
As we've previously detailed, the state's 1890 constitution, which was officially enacted "to secure to the State of Mississippi 'white supremacy,'" is still in effect today, and among its provisions is an “electoral college” for statewide elections that deliberately penalizes black voters and the Democrats they support.
The provision in question requires candidates for offices such as governor or attorney general to win not only a majority of the vote but also a majority of the state House’s 122 districts. If no candidate surpasses both thresholds, the members of the House choose the winner, and there’s nothing to stop them from picking the person who lost the popular vote.
Republicans have controlled the state legislature since 2011, and as soon as they took charge, they redrew their own districts to guarantee they’d never lose their grip on power. They did so by making sure a majority of districts would be heavily white, and therefore heavily Republican. As a result, they not only gerrymandered the state House, they gerrymandered every statewide election, too.
To find out just how big of a penalty this system imposes on Mississippi Democrats, who overwhelmingly rely on the support of black voters, we compiled the results of every contested statewide election in 2019 broken down by state House district. Even though Reeves won the popular vote by just 5 points, that victory translated into a crushing 74-48 win at the district level, meaning he won 61% of the state’s "electoral votes." But even that doesn’t tell the whole story.
We can also ask ourselves what it would have taken for Hood to have carried a majority of House districts. One way we can answer that question is by ranking every district from most Republican to most Democratic, ranging from Reeves' largest margin of victory to Hood's largest margin, and finding the district in the middle. Reeves won that median district 60-39, 15 points to the right of his 5-point statewide win.
Let’s give that number some context. Imagine instead that Hood had won the popular vote. If every district had swung in Hood’s favor by the same amount, Reeves could have lost the popular vote by up to 15 points yet still have become governor. Put another way, Hood would have had to win statewide by at least 15 points just to have a chance to grab a majority of districts in the House. For a Democrat in Mississippi, a margin like that is an impossible dream.
Knowing this, a group of black voters challenged this law in federal court earlier this year, and the case remains ongoing. The judge hearing the case declined to temporarily block the law shortly before Election Day, but he wrote that the plaintiffs are "right" that requiring candidates to win a majority of state House districts violates the U.S. Constitution’s guarantee of “one person, one vote.”
While this suit wouldn’t have affected the outcome of November’s election, it could impact future races. A century and a half after the end of the Civil War, Jim Crow still lives on in Mississippi, but a just ruling could finally end one of its worst electoral manifestations.